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Twilight of the Elites: Prosperity, the Periphery, and the Future of France, by Christophe Guilluy
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Review
“This book will make you fret and question your moral integrity.”—Financial Times“Guilluy, whose work is not universally admired in France, particularly by academic geographers and many on the left, seems to have seen it all coming. So there will be considerable interest in his latest work, published in French as Le Crépuscule de la France d’en haut in 2016 and now, by Yale. In a further development of his now-familiar argument, he tackles head on – and with great virulence – the flip side of La France périphérique, those he considers largely responsible for the country’s profound social, economic and political dislocation: hipsters, who the French call bourgeois-bohèmes or bobos.”— Jon Henley, The Guardian“An indispensable guide to understanding the fears and frustrations of an increasingly permanent underclass—not just in France, but throughout the world. . . . Disturbing and affecting . . . [Guilluy] has hit on something profound that extends well beyond the borders of France.”—Jonathan A. Knee, New York Times“[Guilluy] argues that France now has all the conditions in place for a ‘slave rebellion.’ . . . [His] polemic seems all the more prescient in light of the gilets jaunes protesters, who have caused havoc in Paris.”—Philip Delves Broughton, Wall Street Journal"This is a book with direct relevance outside France. Observing that metropolisation is “the domestic corollary of globalisation”, Guilluy cites London as “the quintessential ... citadel city”. Condemning elites, speaking up for the disregarded, he writes scathing, analytical Marxist class history very effectively...essential reading"— David Sexton, Evening Standard"This is indeed a remarkably prescient and powerful work, which not only is a frightening and accurate analysis of what seems to be happening right now in France, but also may well be an insight into what happens next." — Andrew Hussey, Literary Review“Written long before the riots began, this acute analysis explains the gilets jaunes” —Peter Conradi, The Sunday Times“Writing two years before the advent of the Gilets Jaunes (Yellow Vests), Guilluy convincingly shows how, once again, it’s all about class struggle.”—Pepe Escobar, Asia Times“Pithy . . . While critiques from the [yellow vest] movement have remained a confused cloud of social media invective, Guilluy has served as its de facto interpreter.” —James McAuley, New York Review of Books
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About the Author
Christophe Guilluy is a French geographer and the author of several books, including La France périphérique: comment on a sacrifié les classes populaires. He also writes occasionally for The Guardian.
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Product details
Hardcover: 184 pages
Publisher: Yale University Press (January 8, 2019)
Language: English
ISBN-10: 0300233760
ISBN-13: 978-0300233766
Product Dimensions:
5.5 x 0.8 x 8.2 inches
Shipping Weight: 8.5 ounces (View shipping rates and policies)
Average Customer Review:
4.6 out of 5 stars
6 customer reviews
Amazon Best Sellers Rank:
#180,449 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
The globalized economy has produced some very big winners and a lot of losers. Monsieur Guilluy looks at the French working class as major losers in this new world economy. The inequality of economic outcomes in the US and elsewhere has certainly become notable. The book looks at the effect of this phenomenon in France, although the author's gaze does turn outside France from time to time. When he looks at America, as I expected, he does not like what he sees. The book was published in 2016 in France and translated into English in 2019. Two observations - one the "yellow vest" movement arose in France in late 2018 so the book's thesis that the globalized economy is not "socially sustainable" is prescient and the book must have been published after the 2016 U.S. presidential elections as he is not a fan of President Trump (the book includes a reference to "ridiculous coiffure"). If you're committed to globalization and multiculturalism, you're not this books target audience; conversely, if something seems amiss to you economically and culturally, the book offers guidance.I decided to basically quote from the book itself. I don't think I've taken anything out of context and the quotes are intended to include major themes. So, here I go."The global economy, which rests not only on an international division of labor, but also on advances in mechanization (particularly the increasing use of industrial robots) no longer has any need of the relatively expensive and overprotected Western working classes. What it needs is low-cost workers in China, India, and Africa, together with executives (overpaid) and immigrants (underpaid) in the United States and Europe." Hardback pages 51-52.The author uses a class based system to advance his argument that the working class in the French periphery (think of those people who do not live in the high rent enclaves of major cities - every major city has these) has been abandoned by the "dominant class," which tries to make the working class 'invisible." Once again, turning to the book: "Contrary to the orthodox view, peripheral France does in fact exist; indeed, it is even peopled by 'inhabitants,' who form a majority of the nation's population and whose unnoticed presence in all parts of the country conceals the outlines of a new electoral map that threatens to overturn the existing political order. This is the nightmare of the dominant classes." Hardback at page 85.The author argues that the French dominant class refuses to recognize the economic insecurity of the traditional French working class. "No one disputes that the immigrant residents of the public housing projects are poor. Why should it be impossible to recognize the reality of widespread poverty and economic insecurity in peripheral France? The gross oversimplification of the phenomenon of poverty and the disingenuous stereotyping that accompanies it does not suggest any particularly benevolent intent on the part of the dominant classes." Hardback at page 91.The prevailing economic interests use the claim of fascism to discredit the working classes grievances. "One aspect of antifascism's usefulness as a class weapon is of special interest. It allows distrusted elites to reclaim the moral high ground by treating all criticism of the effects of globalization as proof of hateful motives." Hardback at page 95.This should give you the book's tenor. His viewpoint obviously differs greatly from the op/ed pieces of most major media in the U.S. and Europe. The book is relatively short - 144 pages, not an Appendix and footnotes. Obviously, I read it in English.The translation was done by MIT. The author concludes by observing that the French dominant classes (what we call the Establishment) may adopt a "points-based" system for voting that assigns more points to those who are expected to support the dominant classes' economic position and less points to those who do not. Hardback at page 144. Interesting concept, sort of does away with the "one person one vote" approach, but I read that the Communist Party in China now is assigning points to a person's social media presence with rewards and punishments based on one's attitude to the Chinese dominant classes so maybe the doing something similar may be possible.I recommend the book because I find it thought provoking.
Globalism has become something like a religious cult among the urbanized upper-middle classes. As with any religion its zealots have chosen to ignore its contradictions and to gloss over its downsides, and make no mistake: globalization has some serious downsides, particularly for the working and lower-middle classes of the developed world. The very people who once constituted the mass base for the center-left parties - the Democrats in the United States, Labour in the UK, the socialists and social democrats in France and Continental Europe - are hurt the most by globalization and yet the supposedly left-wing intellectuals have continued to lecture them (and the rest of us) that contrary to the daily experiences of the working-classes, globalization and its globalist ideology is actually in theirs and everyone else's best interest.So what gives? How has the so-called "left" come to embrace an ideology that is harmful to the working classes that the left traditionally used to champion? As Guilly points out the reason is that the the new urban bourgeoisie stands to financially benefit from globalist policies. Globalization raises their property values and lowers the price of the consumer goods they buy. This makes them richer. Cynically, the "progressive" bourgeoisie cloaks this self-interest by paying lip service to vague criticisms of "capitalism," the "1%," and all of the horrible "isms" they were taught were the real and most pressing problems facing society at their exclusive schools. Income inequality and workers' rights don't even appear on their radar screens and when they do they are things to be attacked. Yes, attacked, because when income inequality and workers' rights are perceived as actual problems that need to be fixed those who want to fix them will inevitably (provided they do the research) come to the conclusion that they can't be fixed unless the flow of cheap labor in the developed world is halted or significantly reduced, and for the new bourgeoisie the notion of a border-less world has become something like an infallible catechism of the church of globalism to be defended at all costs. No so-called progressive will stand for any suggestion that there are too many immigrants or that too many immigrants are creating economic and political problems, not even if some like Trump winds up as president as a result. As Guilly so eloquently points out, this has less to do with any genuine sympathy for the downtrodden than it has to do with naked self-interest. It's a logical and damning critique of the posturing of a new urban bourgeoisie that is just as selfish and self-interested as the right-wing merchants they proclaim to stand in opposition to.Highly recommended for anyone with an open mind who is interested in the political economy of this era.
As I said the author has some interesting ideas but he just go on and on flogging a dead horse. I don't know if it was, but it seems like this might have been an article that was expanded into a book. A good editor could have cut half the material in the book and no one would miss a thing.
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